It has taken quite a long time, but my patience with the writers at
National Review has finally run out. The constant black-and-white over-simplifications, the complete refusal to admit any wrong on the part of our leaders, the fallacious analogies and the ignorant hard-headedness... it has become too much. The time has come once again for me to deconstruct and expose their foolishness for what it is. Today we will consider
"The Great Debate" by Natan Sharansky.
Although one could systematically refute every illogical and absurd assertion made by Sharansky, it will suffice to point out the ridiculousness of the analogy upon which he bases most of his argument. Sharansky opens (like oh so many NR articles) with a completely inappropriate reference to the Berlin Wall falling and proceeds to consider the wonders of the fall of Soviet Russia. Like all neo-conservatives, Sharansky cannot tell the difference between 2004 and the Cold War. He asserts that the situation today in Iraq and the Middle East is analogous to the diametrically opposed views of the Soviet Union and the US in the 1980s. He argues that "the doubters" (those who question Bush's foray into Iraq) are the same people who doubted the USSR would ever fall. He claims that the "power of freedom" is what transformed the Soviets, and that this same power would change Iraq into a democracy.
Let's analyze this parallel between the invasion of Iraq and the collapse of the USSR. President Bush invaded Iraq claiming that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction -- in fact, Hussein did not have any form of weapons even sufficient to put up a resistance during the war itself. The Soviet Union was a massive nuclear power, and had the second greatest nuclear arsenal in the world (after the US). No one has ever doubted that the Soviet Union was a great threat -- they openly made themselves a threat on many occasions. In this respect, Iraq and the Soviet Union are practically opposites: one (Russia) necessitated serious defensive measures, while the other was decidedly unable to attack us at all.
Secondly, whereas the United States used political and economic pressures, (which were without a doubt very important in bringing about the demise of Communism), and did not in any way invade Russia, in Iraq political and economic pressures were denounced as "appeasement" by the neo-conservatives, and the use of force was initiated relatively quickly. In addition, the arms race between the US and Russia was essentially a race for military superiority -- superiority that the US unquestionably had over Iraq long before the use of force was considered. Again, the policies adopted by the US toward these two enemies are almost completely opposite.
Even if we were to assume that Iraq had WMDs or posed a threat to the United States, Sharansky's reasoning is completely backwards. He draws a parallel between the two nations and then claims that our actions toward the Soviets prove that our almost completely opposite actions in Iraq are necessary. This is absolutely ridiculous.
Sharansky then continues on about the mystical "power of freedom" which he assumes is somehow expressed by the invasion of another nation and the imposition of a democratic government (yet one decidedly subservient to the US and US interests and thus not purely free or democratic). He also ignores the fact that the Soviet Union collapsed from within itself, was not invaded, and ultimately fell by the actions of its own citizens. The people of the Soviet Union demanded freedom. The people of the Soviet Union destroyed the Berlin Wall -- not American soldiers. Sharansky conveniently ignores the facts again here, and asserts that the fall of Soviet Russia (from within) is essentially the same as the invasion of Iraq and the imposition of a democratic system on its people.
In his entire article, Sharansky fails to put forth a single solid, logical argument. In typical neo-conservative style, he acts as if every occurence in the modern world will follow the same path as the Cold War. He ignores the facts, he draws false parallels, he comes to false conclusions, and accuses everyone not in agreement of being "appeasers" and as not "believing in freedom and democracy." This is all garbage. Why, oh why, National Review, do you have to publish this filth?